中国・アジア研究論文データベース

It is needless to say that one of the key terms used in describing today’s　globalized world is “cross-border.” “Religion” also appears to be “cross-bordering.” The distribution map of religion, which once maintained regional boundaries, is now more diffuse; it provides greater opportunities for people of different faiths, including atheists, to interact. As if to respond to such a situation, “religion across borders” has become one of the significant topics of sociology of religion. Most research on this subject uses frameworks premised on the boundaries of spatial territories, such as states and regions. However, the social process that is regarded as “religion across borders” is related to diverse dimensions of borders not only of states and regions, but also of religion, nationality, ethnicity, and language. Furthermore, formation of new religious communities accompanied with conversions has been generating new social boundaries. Therefore, “religion across borders” should be regarded as an extremely dynamic process composed of many interwoven movements. This paper will try to decipher the dynamism underlying this complicated process of “religion across borders” by analyzing the case of the changing religious situation in post-socialist Mongolia.
   Evangelical Christianity has quickly spread into Mongolia since its democratization in 1990. The number of churches has grown from zero to about 600 in the past quarter century. Although non-Christian people have regarded Christianity as a “foreign religion,” Mongolian church leaders have tried to connect their belief to Mongolian culture and tradition. This mode of acceptance should be interpreted as “contextualization” rather than “indigenization” because Mongolian society is highly individualized whereas “indigenization” presupposes the existence of social constraints that compel Christianity to be acculturated into Mongolian society. In contrast, Mongolian evangelicals have created new ideological contexts of their “nationality” through “contextualization.” For example, not a few Mongolian leaders surmise that Genghis Khan’s belief was very similar to Christianity. New images of “Mongols” connected with Christianity in this way influence the national identities of Mongolian believers around the world. These images are now de-territorialized and make up the ethnoscape of the Mongolian identity.

本论文的主旨在于考察研究新华侨•华人移民日本后，在进行小资本创业，从事经营活动的过程中，他们的社会关系网络的作用及其变化，在此基础上讨论在日本创业过程中新华侨•华人的社会圈的内容变化以及和日本社会的相融问题。本论文的主要研究对象为关西地区福建省福清籍的新华侨•华人。通过考察他们在大阪市经济落后的西城区的创业 以及经营活动，揭示了全球化以及中国的改革开放政策背景下，来自福清的新华侨•华人选择在落后的内城区创业的原因;在创业初期以地缘，血缘为基础的社会资源的作用;新华侨•华人如何通过自身的经济活动，在与日本社区的原住民、商店主的冲突和融合中，其社会圈从单一性发展为多面多层次的过程;强调了“微信”这一网络社交形式在新华侨•华人的创业过程中的独特作用。

Some usual discourses on the migration and cross-border had behind the "grand - narrative" of differences on ‘history’, ‘national’, ‘ethnic’ and ‘cultural’, etc. To realize this even today background of migration is important in understanding.
   But the world is changing by globalism. The meaning of migration cannot talk by only the old framework, for the low barriers on border and the development of information such as the internet, The relationship between peoples had been produced to personal networks from group – connections by the neo-liberal capitalism. Then these old framework miss out newly born phenomenon, and would lock new possibilities in the old paradigm.
   So I make a proposal of the new framework; Crossing for Multilayered and Compound Transmigration. I has borrowed the framework from Féliz Guattari `s discourses. He said ‘From Crossing to Chaosmose’. Crossing shows the possibility of going beyond any borders. Now，capital, knowledge, information and labor is moving freely. I use ‘Crossing’against the capitalistic freedom,
‘Chaosmose’ by Guattari is his coined- word from Chaos + Cosmos + Osmosis. This words suggest the possibility of the next generation by doubting any existing. I translated it to ‘Multilayered and Compound Transmigration’. This words mean a way of rebuilding the relationship between self and others, creating relationships with the new environment.
   Using these frameworks, I commented on three presentations.
 Mr.Takami ~ I saw their new possibilities for friendship and solidarity of People of Japan and China during their 26-year afforestation activities in China. 
 Mr. Lu ~ The practice of New Overseas Chinese at Kamagasaki focused on the power to reverse the negative legacy of modern Japan.
 Mr.Takizawa ~I considered the meaning of his work "Religion Crossing– Mongolian Evangelicalism" from the growth of Soka Gakkai in postwar Japan.

「一帯一路」とは、2013 年に中国の習近平国家主席が中央アジア4か国歴訪の際 に、アジアと 欧州の協力関係を深めていく目的で、新たな連携モデルを構築すえる考え を示したもので、「シルクロード経済ベルト」と「21 世紀海上シルクロード」がある。 その範囲は中国から東南アジア、中央アジア、ロシア、欧州までを網羅し、一帯の総人口 は 30 億人とも推定される。アジアから欧州に至る国を跨いだ地域経済の一体化を推進す るという意味合いを持つ。中国が 2014 年から 2015 年にかけて設置したシルクロード基金 とアジアインフラ投資銀行(AIIB)などを通じて、二つの経済圏の関係国に対しインフ ラ投資や融資を行い、市場の拡大と活性化などの経済効果をねらう。一方で、中国と関係 各国との文化交流を促進し、経済的つながりを密にすることで、政治的信頼関係を強固な ものにすることを目的としている。これまで中国は改革開放政策のもと、インフラ整備・ 不動産開発等の大型投資を行ってきたが、その勢いが落ち着いてきており、2015 年の経 済成長率も 7 % 前後を見込んでおり、現在中国は深刻な生産過剰状態にある。その供給 過剰分の受け入れ先としても、この地域の開発が不可欠でもある。中国国内の格差問題と して、経済発展の進んだ中国沿岸部よりも発展の遅れている西部地域の開発を進めること が、「一帯一路」構想にとって重要な意味を持つ。この動向は経済セクターに限らず、高 等教育機関の発展を促進する大学間の対口支援(一対一)政策など学術分野においても行 われているなど、各セクターに展開している。アジア開発銀行(ADB)は AIIB との協調 融資を増やす方向である。「一帯一路」イニシアティブは地域発展の潮流に大きな影響を 与えている。本報告では、改めて歴史の脚光を浴びているこのシルクロード地域における これらの現代の動向を考察したい。

塔里木盆地周边的绿洲，有一些具有伊斯兰教圣徒之称的坟墓及其与圣徒有缘 的墓地等宗教场所，称之为麻扎，麻扎作为某种特殊的朝拜之地分布较为广泛，在历史上吸引了众多朝拜者。本文将麻扎朝拜作为讨论的核心，从几个层面论述麻扎朝拜现象的主要表现形式，在关注当时社会背景的同时，深入探讨改革开放以后，尤其是90年代麻扎朝拜所呈现的具体现状。麻扎作为一种朝拜之场所，可以说中华人民共和国成立后，在社会发展产生了巨大变化的条件下，依然维系了其很强的生命力。

Since the latter half of 1980’s, the settlement policy of nomads has been advanced for the purpose of improving the lives of nomads in the Xinjiang Uighur Autonomous Region of China. The Xinjiang Government has invested a lot of funds to develop infrastructure, such as water supply, electricity and the roads in the new residences of nomads. As a result, settlement of nomads proceeded, but sufficient results were not obtained. According to a report, at the stage of 2010, the settlement rate of nomads was less than 40%. However, a considerable amount of funds was invested by the Xinjiang Government from 2010, the settlement of nomads became remarkably rapid. The author of this paper carried out a survey on settlement of nomads in Xinjiang province several times from the late of 1980’s to 2009, and wrote several reports on these investigation results. After that, he got new data and clarified the change of nomad’s life in these period in this paper. Dew to settlement, many pastoral nomads came to engage in agriculture, and their annual income of nomads is remarkably increased, but it is still quite low compared with that of urban workers at present. Regarding livestock breeding in mountainous areas, seasonal movement is still being done. So many problems still remain regarding settlement of nomads. In this paper, the author also introduces the JICA’s project to settle nomads in Xinjiang (2007-2012).

本文通过人际交往、互助关系等社会网络体系为切入点，深入了解和认识中国新疆南疆马哈拉传统社会结构的相互关系和基本功能，从而试图呈现马哈拉传统社会的整体性与其功能的有机性，为今后深入关注这一领域的研究提供一个新视角。

现在中国各地推进让农民住楼的集中居住运动。本文通过整理先行研究发现，地方政府之所以积极推进农民集中居住，是地方政府在中央政府财政分配比率改革后，牟取土地财政的结果。在中国 18亿亩耕地不变的前提下，地方政府为了获取城市建设中需要的农用地指标，通过城市建设用地与农村耕地、建设用地的置换，变相吞并农村土地。2005年以后，地方政府主要通过国土资源部的城市建设用地增加与农村建设用地挂钩减少项目从农民手里夺地。
　　面对这种土地夺取，本文的调查地、山东省莱芜市 X 村，通过上级政府同时导入的扶贫政策，实现了村里人向往的楼房居住。

近年来中国农民工增速持续回落、跨省流动不断减少等变化预示着农村劳动力迁移发生着历史性的转变。农民工返乡逐渐成为一个重要的发展趋势。但农民工返乡研究仍多集中在宏观层面的讨论、缺少对个体的考察和具体分析。
　　本文通过对M镇里不同年龄层的女性农民工的打工返乡生命历程的分析和比较，探明其外出务工和返乡、创业的深层动机以及外出务工经历对她们返乡后的就业、婚姻及子女教育等所产生的影响。结果显示返乡的契机、目标等存在明显的代际差异，其意义也在不断变化。对于年轻女性来说，返乡不再仅仅意味着结婚生子等再生产劳动，更是实现自我价值的一种途径。长期以来的以家庭为中心的打工返乡模式趋于自我为中心的个体化。

位于基督教信徒集中的浙江省，2014年开始由省政府主导的“拆十字架”政策。以违法建筑限制为理由，当局拆1300至1500所教会的十字架，大约500名信徒和牧师被逮捕。根据在浙江省温州进行的田野调查，教会虽面临当局的限制，多数教会表面上没有抵制政府，但是通过于基层干部进行非正式交涉来确保自己的活动空间。围绕温州教会的这些情况，说明中国公民社会的现状较与权威体制对抗而言，“共栖”的现象更加普遍存在。并且在拆十字架政策之前不曾参与社会活动的一些教会也开始维权。它们通过与教会外部社会力量的接触，导入积极参与社会活动的教义，以此来获得普通信徒对信仰维权的支持。这些教会的变化为探讨不关心政治的社会团体如何走向维权之路具有现实意义。